Weather extremes: Hindsight on foresight

Debate over the agenda of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) talks is often much more than a procedural fight; its about the content, context and paradigm for the negotiations.
At the Bonn talks which concluded after two bitter weeks of negotiations at the weekend, there were divisions over whether mitigation for the pre-2020 time frame should be considered by the Adhoc Working Group on the Durban Platform or under the existing agreed negotiation mandates.

Some rich countries reportedly pulled international climate regulation apart at the seams.
The African Group of Negotiators (AGN) emphasised that there must be a greater focus and support for farmers in poor countries to adapt to the impacts of an already changing climate.

In most of Africa, Zimbabwe included, agriculture is the mainstay of livelihoods for three out of four Africans and therefore adaptation to climate change in this critical sector is not an option but a necessity.

Zimbabwes population, 70% of which stays in the countryside and practice farming, is already seeing changes in the starting of rains, in the severity of rains, in temperatures and in the progressive drying of their soils.

So global temperature rise must be limited urgently to avoid serious impacts on agricultural production, hence international offset programmes providing a substitute for action in developed countries, will further threaten food security in Africa, the AGN says.

The AGN position was that discussions of enhancing synergies between adaptation and mitigation offset efforts was a dangerous and costly distraction from the most pressing needs for adaptation.

At 0,74C of warming, farmers are seeing changes in the timing of rains, in the severity of rains, in the temperatures they and their crops and animals are exposed to, and in the progressive drying of their soils. Food production is already threatened by the temperature rise of the last century, and the committed warming due to greenhouse gas emissions of the last decades.

A doubling of the warming seen to date to 1,5C will mean crops in some regions especially in Masvingo, Midlands, Matabeleland regions among others will fail too often for crop producers to maintain that livelihood strategy.

Two degrees will be too much for agriculture in the country adaptation in many areas will simply not be an option.

Recent science shows that from 1980-2008, due to rising global temperatures, global maize and wheat production has already decreased by 3,8% and 5,5% respectively.

And with 1Cof warming the level expected approximately one decade from now roughly 65% of current maize growing areas in Africa are predicted to experience yield losses under optimal rain-fed conditions; under drought conditions, 75% of areas can expect yield declines of at least 20% for 1C of warming.

At the current rate of temperature increase, global average temperatures will have increased 1,5C by 2050. Average predicted production losses by 2050 for African crops are; maize 22%, sorghum 17%, millet 17%, groundnut 18%, and cassava 8%. Warming as low as 1,5C therefore threatens food production in Africa significantly.

Due to current and significant near-term predicted impacts on crop yields, adaptation in agricultural systems is an urgent imperative.

Any chance at maintaining adequate production under the rising temperatures and changing precipitation patterns expected in coming decades requires that significant adaptation efforts must start now, with sufficient finance, technology transfer and capacity-building resources provided by rich nation.

Slow onset temperature riseis already having and will continue to have serious consequences for farmers.

Hence, a UNFCCC work programme on loss and damage must include consideration of significant and widespread impacts from increasing temperatures on agricultural yields, regional and global food production, and the livelihoods of those dependent on agricultural production.

Clearly the impacts of climate change on Africa are expected to be severe, what with Zimbabwe expected to import maize from Zambia this year to feed its population.

Yet, UN climate talks have to date failed to adequately reflect the severity of impacts expected in Africa; the mitigation responses necessary to prevent those impacts; and the scale of financial, technological and capacity-building resources that will allow countries to adapt with the speed and effectiveness required to protect agricultural production and food security for the millions of people living in Africa.

It is important to bring a more detailed, up-to-date understanding of climate impacts on agriculture in Africa both current and anticipated into the UNFCCC discussions.

This fact cannot be emphasised enough in terms of its bearing on the African position in the negotiations to accept a global goal of 1,5C already means to accept significant hardship, reduction and elimination of livelihoods, and serious disruption of food security across the entire African continent.

The centrality of agriculture to the UNFCCC and global action to prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system is evidenced by the reference in the Conventions objective that stabilisation of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere should be at a level achieved within a time frame sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic development to proceed in a sustainable manner.

Ironically, agriculture appears in the UNFCCC negotiations principally as a crosscutting issue relevant to almost all of the main negotiating topics, yet for the most part appearing only incidentally.

Only one small portion of the negotiating text deals exclusively with agriculture, within the mitigation section on cooperative sectoral approaches.

But the potential and imminent impacts on agriculture from climate change should have an enormous bearing on African negotiating positions, particularly in the context of; a global goal to limit average global temperature increase and enhanced action on mitigation.

In particular, the severity of climate change impacts on agriculture has significant bearing on the global goal and the ambition of rich countries emission reductions.

viewpoint: Global warming myth or fact?

viewpoint: Global warming myth or fact?: Environment crusaders last week gathered senior journalists to discuss effects of the changing climate in Zimbabwe. There were varied cont...

Global warming myth or fact?

Environment crusaders last week gathered senior journalists to discuss effects of the changing climate in Zimbabwe.

There were varied contributions from different journo-colleagues, some of whom I guess have no idea what the subject is all about.

A good number believe climate change is a myth while others say its real. I was not part of the large contingent of practitioners who gathered in the capital specifically for this important subject having to attend to other pressing matters, but briefs from colleagues showed the pitfalls of environment specialty reporting in Zimbabwe.

A journo-colleague who attended the gathering (himself a farmer) says he has no doubt that climate change is real and that there is need for Zimbabwe to mitigate its effects.

Perhaps my journo-colleagues are not alone in thinking that those pushing to mitigate climate change effects are bushwhacking donor funding.

As the journalists gathered in Harare, a plenary session at the United Nations (UN) climate talks was underway in Bonn. Divisions emerged on the first few days of the latest round of international climate change talks with the European Union (EU) and groups of developing countries clashing over the future of the controversial Kyoto Protocol.

Under the terms of the Durban Platform agreed at last years UN climate summit, the EU said it would sign on to an extension of the Kyoto Protocol before it lapses at the end of this year in return for an agreement from all nations that a new binding treaty would be finalised by 2015 and enacted by 2020.

The fortnight-long Bonn talks are intended to develop a timetable for agreeing the new treaty and finalise details of how the so-called Kyoto 2 extension will work for the countries that have agreed to sign up to the treaty.

However, negotiators are divided over how long the extended Kyoto Protocol should operate, with developing countries insisting the treaty should continue to be enforced over five-year commitment periods, and the EU expressing its preference for an eight-year commitment period that would allow it to be replaced by the new international treaty in 2020.

A colleague, Seyni Nafo, the spokesperson of the African Group of Negotiators (AGN), expressed deep concern that the inadequate mitigation pledges remain on the table. They risk temperature increases that will have catastrophic impacts worldwide, and particularly for Africa.

Africa believes that a successful outcome at the Doha talks will be one that includes a strong five-year second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol (2013-2017); and a successful conclusion of the LCA (life-cycle assessment) that carries with it a high level of economy-wide reduction target by non-Kyoto parties (the United States and Canada) that are comparable with the level of ambition in the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol.

Much as journalists can educate the public, they can also be instruments of (mis)education.
Hence in the US one can quickly find The Heartland Institutes latest propaganda piece: a mugshot of Ted Kaczynski next to the words, I still believe in Global Warming.

Do you? Heartlands not-so-subtle subtext: If you think the climate is changing, you're no better than terrorists like the Unabomber.

This billboard, which appeared alongside a Chicago highway, was the first in a series that, Heartland said, would have included other standout characters like Osama bin Laden and Charles Manson.

But the message was so outrageous that the backlash which included public withdrawals of funder support convinced Heartland to cancel the ad within hours.

Theincident is the latest in a series of ethical quandaries that have cropped up since the think-tank switched on its climate change denial machinery.

The Heartland Institute bills itself as a pro-business non-profit organisation with a $6 million annual budget for education, lobbying, advertising, and regular instalments of its International Conference on Climate Change, which features climate sceptics from around the world.

Recent leaked internal documents describe (mis)education plans and public opinion campaigns designed to perpetuate the embarrassingly pervasive American disbelief in human-driven climate change, despite overwhelming scientific consensus to the contrary.

Heartland is just one part of the pervasive climate change denial machine, which spans think-tanks, interest groups, and political parties. Its financers represent an even broader spectrum, from private donors to corporations built on fossil fuel usage.

But its getting harder and harder to figure out whos paying for which messages because, as evidence of climate change mounts, citizens are getting more suspicious.

Given Heartlands position on climate change, its not surprising to note that, since 1998, the think-tank has received more than half a billion dollars from ExxonMobil a multinational energy firm that would do particularly well by convincing us not to worry about our carbon footprints.

Though in 2006, rocked by public relations scandals surrounding its support of climate change denialism, ExxonMobil reportedly cut ties with Heartland, its still a key member of the American Petroleum Institute, the political voice of the oil and natural gas industry in the US.

The bottom line is simple: If you sell oil, coal, or gas, acknowledging climate change is bad for business.

But what all these firms also understand, very clearly, is that climate change is happening, and that it can, in itself, be bad for business. Droughts in sub-Saharan Africa and melting glaciers in Uganda and Tanzania threaten the stability of millions of the farmers.

And then there's the elephant in the room: fossil fuel supplies are finite, and we are already on the downhill side of production. Major oil and gas companies are adding alternative energies to their portfolios, hoping to ensure their survival in the post-fossil fuel world.

Perhaps thats why in 2002, long before it froze out Heartland, ExxonMobil committed $100 million in research funds to Stanford's own Global Climate and Energy Project.

So its our job as journalists and consumers of oil, and of advertising to see those ties anyway.

Because as long as environmental concerns threaten the profits of these big firms, a very powerful face will be working in somebody's shadows!

Somalis shrug off failed state tag

The Somali civil war, centring on the capital city of Mogadishu, began on the morning of New Years Eve in 1991 and has evolved into a huge life-sucking black hole, from which there seems no escape. But, thats what black holes do; they devour everything around them, and nothing gets out.

The Horn of Africa country was reportedly put on the list of countries associated with terrorism by former United States president George W Bush after labelling it a failed state.

A new breed of entrepreneurs selling their wares at Bakara Market, the country's biggest market

This meant any country that risked relations with Somalia was subject to US sanctions.

As a result, the international community was dissuaded from having dealings with Somalia, and it became isolated.

But, former ambassador of Somalia and the Arab League Mohamed Sharif Mohamud recently argued the USs attitude encouraged north-east African powers to perpetuate their strategy of destabilisation, giving them licence to settle accounts with Somalia under the pretext of combating terrorism.

This, Mohamud avowed, the countries hoped to demoralise the Somalis, to plunge them into a state of despair from which they would never again try to rise.

A recent visit to this strife-torn country showed it is not yet a failed state. Of course it was defeated by the weight of the resources at its adversaries disposal, but never succumbed. And it is still fighting for emancipation and self-determination, thanks to the African Union (AU)s timely intervention.

A family relaxes just outside their house in downtown Mogadishu

Al-Qaeda-sponsored Islamic insurgents Al-Shabaab had taken over control of strategic points, including Mogadishu itself, occupying every building and controlling all aspects of the economy.

Slowly though the militia group is now operating from outside the capital city after having been forcibly driven out by Amisom troops and residents are heaving a sigh of relief hoping peace and tranquillity will be sustained at least.

Evidently warlordism, terrorism and piracy are still very rife to the extent that any foreigner who dares stroll on the streets or the main Barkara Market does it at owners risk.

In the absence of Al-Shabaab in the capital, suicide bombing has remained the sole weapon with which the Islamist insurgent operatives have at their disposal in their quest to dislodge the TFG forces and Amisom troops.

Suicide bombers have defeated the whole essence of trust and sporadic gun fights continue unabated during the day as well as night.

Displacement, refugees and a lack of state authority are still problematic, and Amisom police commander Charles Makono says they even have difficulties recruiting police members because almost everyone at some point could have been part of the insurgents.

A man drives his donkey cart in the middle of Mogadishu

 

Could these issues be a result of sustained foreign intervention or the deliberate fragmentation of the country into fiefdoms, enclaves and tribal territories?As disclosed during my sojourn, traditional and religious leaders still play a huge role in the running of the country.

Hence the Somali conflict has a local dimension rooted in oppression, nepotism, exclusion, injustice, lack of economic opportunity and civil disobedience and it is not impossible to ignore.

Irrespective of the lack of government regulation and protection, Somali diasporans have formed networks both within the country and across borders and continents that are bound together by ties of family and trust.

Two major financial institutions that emerged out of the ashes of the destruction are Dahabshiil International Bank and Salama Bank. Their services cover all Somalis and all regions to the tiniest village, a feat that would have been impossible under the circumstances.

British politician William Hague said in a speech at Chatham House: Somalis worldwide provide more than $1bn in remittances back to Somalia each year more than the international community provides in aid.

Whats more, Somalis inject $1bn annually into the economy of Kenya. This is variously due to the high returns offered by Kenyas economy, partnerships with Kenyan-Somalis, the sharing of 800km of common border, and Kenyas role as an outlet for Somalias informal economy.

Livestock and agriculture were the mainstays of the Somali economy before the collapse of the state, accounting for around 50% of GDP.

And despite the lack of regulation and government protection and the chaos, natural disasters and fierce competition from highly advanced economies such as Australia and Argentina Somalias livestock exports have doubled in comparison to 1990 levels.

This aircraft was gunned down by Al Shabaab militia just before take off at the Mogadishu airport after it had brought relief food for World Food Programme between 2006/2007

Yes, despite the challenges encountered by Somalia over the past 20 years, the country has a lot to offer. It is capable of a rebirth and will one day stand on its feet again to pursue the march of progress, restoring its dignity and assuming equal status with other members of the international community.

After the defeat of Al-Shabaab, can the world put Somalia into the AU trusteeship for the better?
Now confined outside its major revenue stream Mogadishu, Al-Shabaab cannot battle on without costly ammunition and weapons.

So this is Amisoms opportune moment to break the cycle of internal war and troubled peace. Somalis must be given time to move on.

Africa needs to assume responsibility for Somalia and to delegate the task of trusteeship to its more advanced and better-governed member states.

Definitely, rising from the ashes of Somalias devastating civil war is an image so powerful, and it could help provide a solution to the never-ending devastation.

This is the time for change!

millenniumzimbabwe@yahoo.com/millenniumzimbabwe@gmail.com/twitter.com/wisdomdzungairi

Children bear brunt of Somalia strife

MOGADISHU: The Somali flag is plain, a sea of light blue with a white, five-point star in the centre. The blue honours the United Nations which was instrumental in Somalia’s independence and the white represents peace and prosperity.
The points of the star symbolise the five major Somali ethnic regions that were divided by the colonial powers before independence in 1960.

But, the Somali star has been falling since the 1991 overthrow of President Mohamed Siad Barre ignited a heartless civil war.

The country’s infrastructure has been totally shattered, and no official government was created to rebuild what the war destroyed until the recent inauguration of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Sheik Sharif Ahmed with the support of the African Union mission in Somalia (Amisom).

Severe droughts and years of war have killed nearly a million residents and at least 2,5 million are refugees in their country of birth or are internally displaced persons (IDPs).

Over 4 000 Somali refugees are trying to rebuild their lives from the ashes of lifelong strife and civil war. Like many immigrants before them, they came here with nothing but their culture and customs, and a hope for a better life.

But now, thanks to the help of resettlement agencies, local activists, their own community organisations to be and a collective mental toughness, their star seems to be rising again in the capital city.

Nearly two-thirds of the Somali capital has been secured by Amisom supported Somali government forces, led by outgoing commander Major General Fred Mugisha, creating an ever-expanding haven of relative peace and safety for much of the city’s population.

For 12-year-old Mohammed and many of his generation, however, life is different. He has never been to school and has never known peace. His parents have been hopping from one place to the other in search of a place to call home.

They live in plastic shacks reserved for IDPs, but during the day they move from camp to camp in search of food at the many distribution centres dotted around Mogadishu.



Mohammed’s story is the same as that of thousands of other IDPs. They receive two meals a day — breakfast and lunch, and they are expected to look elsewhere for supper.

In many cases, however, they go to sleep on empty stomachs and wait for the next day’s ration.

Like Mohammed, Farina (30) from Lower Shabelle region in Southern Somalia, who worked as a “runner boy” for Al-Shabaab regrets having to leave school and his village.

“I wanted to continue my education, but warlords and lately Al-Shabaab wouldn’t let us study,” he said adding he was prepared to return to his home once there was peace.

“They would come to our school carrying rifles and bombs and say: ‘You should join us or else . . .’” said Farina adding that the rebels would compel schoolchildren to attend their mass meetings.

Mohamed and Farina’s tales pretty much sum up the plight of school-going children across Somalia where the raging 20-year armed conflict destroyed a generation of young people.

While thousands of children have been killed or injured in the conflict that began in 1991, millions more have been displaced and an overwhelming number orphaned.

The warring factions — Al-Shabaab included — have been using children as porters, spies, informants, bomb planters or suicide bombers and combatants, and the Amisom security forces have arrested and handed over hundreds of children.

Children caught in the raging conflict were left with three stark choices — join Al-Shabaab whose aim is to establish “a kingless Islamist republic”, flee to safer parts of the country or cross the border into Kenya, Ethiopia or even trek down to Southern Africa.

For over 20 years there has been a civil war raging in Somalia culminating in Islamist terrorist group Al-Shabaab taking over control of strategic points.

The ongoing battle for control over strategic areas between the Al-Shabaab and Amisom-backed TFG forces has inflicted heavy casualties not only on Al-Shabaab, but civilians have also been caught in the crossfire.

Thousands of people have been killed. The overwhelming majority of them are civilians who have nothing to do with the fighting, but were allegedly targeted by Al-Shabab-sponsored warlords in an attempt to stamp out civilian mobilisation.

Journalists tour ruins of the former five star seaside Uruba Hotel in Mogadishu, Somalia

It is understood that one in 15 Somalis have been uprooted because of the violence. It is also estimated that there are over 2,5 million IDPs in Somalia, one of the highest in the world alongside the Sudans. Within this panorama of internal violence and forced acquisition of properties women and children have been adversely affected.

Around 75% of the displaced population are women and children. This gender imbalance is a result of the common breakdown of families following the stresses of displacement, which in many cases cause the men to leave, and due to the fact that when the men are killed their wives and partners are forced to escape alone with their families.

This was the case for Efraka (23), whose husband was killed by Al-Shabaab militia in 2006. She was left widowed with three children — a five-year-old son and three-year-old daughter while four months pregnant. She eventually gave birth to a boy.

“We had to abandon everything we owned, all our belongings, our house and our land, and move,” she says.

“It is the women who are most vulnerable in a situation of displacement. We have to think about how we are going to find food for our children, how we are going to make sure they get an education, while also worrying about how we are going to stay safe and provide for the family.”

A volunteer Somali gynaecologist, Aisha Omar Ahmed, who fled with her family to Italy soon after the civil war broke out highlighted sustained government failure in dealing with IDPs or developing adequate responses for the needs of specific groups such as women and children.

Ahmed identified the gender dimensions of displacement which have been largely ignored, which include: lack of access to healthcare — especially access to obstetric care; fistula cases; malnutrition; high levels of domestic abuse triggered by the increased stresses brought on the family; the psychological trauma suffered by women who have lost loved ones; the alarmingly high number of women who have turned to prostitution as a means of supporting their families; and the high incidences of rape and sexual violence which have been continually used as an act of war by actors in the conflict.

This devastating injustice impelled the AU to rule in 2010 that the TFG was curtailed in its duty to provide humanitarian assistance to the country’s displaced women and children due to Al-Shabaab insurgents.

“The government now appears to be doing something, but their efforts aren’t proving effective,” United Nations Somalia deputy humanitarian co-ordinator Killian Kleinschmidt explained.

“There was no co-ordination between the programmes they offer. As a result displaced children were not able to go to school and mothers weren’t able to work as they have to look after their children during the day. Humanitarian organisations still need more financial resources to help rebuild this country. Although relatively safer in Mogadishu suicide bombers are still a menace.”

Dr Aisha Omar Ahmed

Medical practitioner Rahma Mohamed thinks the TFG should focus its efforts on the provision of childcare and helping women fight common diseases and malnutrition.

Ugandan contingent commander Brigadier Paul Lokech says Amisom have driven Al-Shabaab out of strategic points in Mogadishu, but a tough war was looming especially in Baidoa, Banadir central and southern Somalia where the Islamic insurgents have retreated to.

Hence, incoming Amisom commander Lieutenant-General Andrew Gutti urged AU member states to beef up their troops in a war that no one really knows which side will be victors.

Somalia shares a long and open border with Ethiopia and there are virtually no restrictions on travel or finding employment in the host country for Somalis.

Often parents fearing for the safety of their children encourage them to try their luck elsewhere.
email: millenniumzimbabwe@yahoo.com/http://twitter.com/wisdomdzungairi

‘Develop Africa differently’

Tomorrow, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) will launch the first Africa Human Development Report.
Despite recent economic growth and plentiful natural resources, Zimbabwe and its sub-Saharan Africa nations remain the world’s most food insecure region.

This report comes just days ahead of the G8’s 2012 Summit at Camp David in Maryland, US to which some African leaders were invited to discuss food security on the continent.

The global launch of the report will take place in Nairobi with Kenya President Mwai Kibaki and UNDP administrator Helen Clark. UNDP director of the Regional Bureau for Africa, Tegegnework Gettu, will present the report’s findings.

Simultaneous launches of the report will also take place in Accra, Ghana, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Senegal, Johannesburg and Lusaka while the launch in Niamey, Niger, will be on 18 May.

The Africa Human Development Report 2012: Towards a Food Secure Future explores the paradox of why hunger continues to be so prevalent on the African continent and argues that human development in sub-Saharan Africa can only be fully realised when there is food security for all.

Noting that this issue goes beyond agriculture, the report explores the interlocking themes of agricultural productivity, nutrition, resilience and empowerment through the powerful prism of human development.

But in the face of climate change, is it time to re-examine the way we do development in Africa?

For years, many developing countries have believed it can be only one or the other — economic growth or reducing carbon emissions. Yet this UNDP report says it’s possible for African countries to do both.

Because high human development usually means high emissions, there are ways to do things differently.

Everyone agrees that Africa, one of the least developed continents, needs more economic growth if it is to lift millions of its people out of the circle of poverty.

Africa must also do its part to address climate change, not only by adapting and preparing for extreme weather events, but also by reducing its carbon footprint, according to experts.

The launch also comes ahead of the Rio+20 Earth Summit in Brazil, which aims to hammer out sustainable development goals across seven core themes — including food security, water and energy – for countries to adopt.

The biggest UN event this year will be the summit on environment and development and more than 127 heads of government have already signed up to speak at the conference.

Whether all political leaders will eventually turn up depends on whether they think it worthwhile.
Hopefully, they would.

The world is facing multiple crises, including the worsening of environmental problems such as global warming, water scarcity and bio-diversity loss.

There are social problems including the persistence of poverty, the widening of inequality and the loss of effectiveness of modern medicines as bacteria get immune to antibiotics.

Then of course there’s the global financial and economic crisis and its aftershocks. A period of great uncertainty lies ahead, with slowdown inevitable in both developed and developing countries.

These issues are all part of the business of sustainable development, which has three pillars (social, economic and environment) and the promise of financial and technology support to developing countries.

At the end, the key issues to be addressed by the Rio+20 Summit have become clear. Each issue is still hotly contested, mainly along North-South lines.

First is the divisive issue of the “green economy”. Developing countries are uncomfortable with this concept, as it can mean different things to different people.

Their fear is that this term, if accepted too generally at a summit level UN meeting, may pave the way for environmental issues to be used as the basis of trade protectionism or new conditionality for aid and loans.

Gettu says the world’s common future will be hugely affected by the choices that are made in Africa on a low-carbon growth path and the goal is clear, reduce poverty, increase prosperity, but leave a smaller carbon footprint.

African countries are much less locked into the old, carbon-intensive models of production and consumption used by the West, which took the approach of “grow first, clean later” — helping it achieve certain levels of development it enjoys today.

Greater knowledge and improved technology mean African countries need not take the same path as they try to boost manufacturing, produce more crops and generate energy to fuel industry and improve their citizens’ quality of life.

They can adopt “greener, more resilient, lower-emission options”. These will be more sustainable and provide employment and income opportunities for the poor.

But, there is a whole breadth of strategies African governments can start looking at, if they are not already, to make their development more sustainable and less carbon-intensive.

They can encourage industry to adopt green technologies through regulations and fiscal incentives, without undermining their competitiveness.

They can also shift tax burdens towards fossil fuel use and waste generation and redirect subsidies away from polluting fuels.

Countries should also look at promoting greener agriculture, the report says. Carbon sequestration using crop waste is another example of greener farming.

Globally, cities occupy only 2% of land yet contribute more than two-thirds of greenhouse gas emissions.

Given that half of the world’s 20 or so megacities are in Asia, building greener cities is imperative.

Authorities can promote climate-friendly energy use, more efficient transport, greener buildings and better waste management.

Already, Zimbabwe has started the process of crafting a national climate change response strategy to prepare the country against global warming effects.

Clearly, climate change is one of the biggest threats that mankind faces today, and all natural disasters that the country is facing to climate change can be attributed to it.

Think of the devastating floods, droughts and storms we have seen in Zimbabwe of late and the unusual cold spells in April this year all show signs of climate change.

Yet the country’s preparedness and actions in response to extreme climate and weather events have been on an ad hoc basis.

It is our hope that a National Climate Change Response Strategy will ensure Zimbabwe has a well-co-ordinated and integrated approach to climate change in light of rising poverty and under development levels in the country.

millenniumzimbabwe@yahoo.com/http://twitter.com/wisdomdzungairi